This is the first part of my post on the Palin “resignation.”
After the 2008 election, friends asked me what I thought Palin would do. Since I am not in her inner circle, I had no answer, but opined that she should not run in 2012. Rather, I thought that the very high likelihood of Obama’s re-election made a 2012 run too risky for someone who had such potential to win the Presidency. And in 2016, she would still be a decade younger than Hillary was when she ran last year. If I were in her position, I’d take care of business in Alaska, and run for re-election in 2010. Then, in 2014, I either would run against the Democrat incumbent Senator, gain some foreign policy experience, and launch my presidential campaign (along the lines of another novice Senator who began running for President soon upon his election). Or, I would skip the Senate and prepare my presidential campaign immediately. Meanwhile, in the 2010, 2012, and 2014 election cycles, I would help Republican candidates through speeches and fund-raising to hoard political IOUs.
So I was caught off-guard as much as the rest of the country by her speech (a copy of which is here) that she was resigning the governorship. I have since read many speculations about why that might be. Most focus in various ways on family issues (the difficulty of raising her baby; another pregnancy), legal problems (rumors of indictments; financial irregularities), money problems (legal fees defending against ethics violations; upcoming book tour), and political calculations (being free of the burdens of office while giving speeches around the country, supporting candidates and earning political points). Obviously, no one but she and some close advisers know why she did this, which is why there is such rampant speculation and rumor-mongering among the Left’s PMS (Palin Madness Syndrome) sufferers.
Over time we will find out the reasons. If indictments are filed, we will soon know. However, I believe that the rumors towards that end on the left side of the blogosphere are some of those spontaneously-generating hypotheses whose very bizarreness eventually leads to their demise. The FBI has denied unequivocally any ongoing investigation or planned indictment. So far, she has been exonerated of all of these frivolous ethics complaints (particularly those by one Alaska blogger with connections to Democrat operatives and an apparent Palin fetish that smacks of psychological stalking). She has been vetted by the media so many ways from Sunday that something more than her inquiry about her unstable and brutal ex-brother-in-law would have been found by now (especially since they talked extensively with that same blogger). Indeed, had the media, instead of openly cheering for him, vetted their candidate for President, Mr. Obama, as aggressively, they might have uncovered some of his many unsavory connections that had to be publicized by bloggers even as the media tried to downplay them. Finally, everyone knows that the normal approach by a politician in trouble is to stonewall and then to fight the charges and exhaust every appeal. Only once those are all lost, will such a person resign or use the bargain of an offer to resign to reduce the penalty. If there is a legal difficulty here, Palin is an extremely unusual politician in seeking to protect Alaskans from the distractions of her legal troubles before any have manifested themselves.
The family problems are a plausible theory, especially with the baby. But I don’t know that being the Alaska governor would have been that difficult to coordinate with child care. I’m also not convinced that she feared that as long as she was governor, her children would continue to be targets of the David Lettermans, Andrew Sullivans, and other amoral and class-less liberal media-types and entertainers. Had she limited herself to being the governor and withdrawn from the limelight, that plague likely would have run its course in due time.
The economic difficulties argument also is plausible. Having run up $500,000 in legal fees to defend herself from these dismissed ethics complaints, and facing a likelihood of continuing harassment, she might have decided that she had had enough. But with a lucrative book deal coming out, that likely isn’t the real problem. Moreover, if she feared more ethics complaints arising from her leaving the state and giving speeches in the Lower 48, that could readily be avoided by withdrawing from the spotlight for the time being.
That leaves the political angle. While this is a highly unorthodox way to promote one’s political career, there is a certain method to it. First, I must admit that her resignation strikes me at this point as a mistake if she is just running for the 2012 or, especially, 2016 nomination. She could have stuck out her term until next year, announce next spring that she would not be running for re-election, and begun to campaign on behalf of other Republicans, with a full two years to get her national campaign in gear. There would be no criticism of her “quitting,” and she could have dampened current attacks by assuming a lower profile for nine months or so. If she gets into the race, her resignation is going to be an unwelcome distraction that her opponents, Republican or Democrat, are going to throw around with abandon as evidence of lack of backbone, commitment, or stability. Most likely, all of the above.
That said, Palin’s defenders see this differently, and they have a point. Palin’s resignation message is loaded with direct, as well as guarded, references to her continuing in politics. She may be taking a break for a year to work on her book and to be with her family before gearing up for an intense campaign for Republican candidates that would take her (physically and temporally) far away. Meanwhile, she can make periodic speeches and appearances in the Lower 48 without having to concern herself with bogus ethics claims or government business. She has been freed to be herself.
Moreoever, she has done this before when she resigned from a state board to pursue the governorship after reassuming her position as a private citizen for a while. While her resignation carries future risk, that risk is outweighed by the freedom (informally) to organize her campaign with less scrutiny. She figures that, by the time she runs, she will be able to explain this by showing her commitment to politics through her active support of other conservative candidates. The alternative view is that, if she stays away especially until 2016, she can point to family obligations that will be less demanding in seven years.
From reading the speech and from her personality as revealed during the campaign, I think these defenders are onto something. Palin obviously likes politics. I am less convinced that she is wedded to the Republican Party’s establishment. The elitist David Brooks types and the various grand poo-bahs are snorting with disdain at her resignation, an act that confirms for them their own evaluation of the natural order of politics and Republicanism and of Palin’s lack of fit within that order. I would suggest that Palin cares not one whit about that. She sees the Republican Old Guard as at best a force of suspicious neutrality. She wants to be the outsider. Coming from Alaska has various drawbacks for the would-be national politician, such as the small electoral clout and the literally great distance from the Lower 48. But if one wants to run as a D.C. Beltway outsider, Alaska has unmatched actual and symbolic value.
Alaska also means energy, specifically oil and gas. And domestic energy will increasingly take center stage, especially as the current administration continues to wreck the energy markets with dysfunctional regulatory regimes, and as foreign oil and gas markets increase their volatility with soaring demand from China, India, Brazil, and other developing economies. Palin knows energy. She symbolizes energy in a way no other politician or public figure in the U.S. (Gore doesn’t count, as I am talking about production of usable sources of energy.)
Nor does it matter to her whether or not she becomes President. I think she would see that as a good thing for herself and the country (what politician doesn’t), but I am not sure she would consider her life a loss if she never gained the Oval Office. I am reminded here of the contrast with Al Gore, who, after his 2000 defeat, withdrew from public life, grew a beard, gained massive weight, and tried various disparate jobs. He also admitted that his life had been geared to winning the Presidency, and he was at a personal crisis point when he lost. One certainly would not have expected W, had he lost, to go off the deep end as Gore did with his intemperate attacks on the winner.
Palin, too, though different in personality than W, sees her mission differently. It is to organize supporters on issues and to carry forward on those issues, attracting a political following of others as the opportunities present themselves. Issues first, voters later. This is the reverse of most party politicians. They calculate the votes needed to win and trim their positions accordingly. She is more Reagan than Nixon. She represents the views of a significant portion of conservatives who view the country as perched on the edge of a cliff. The current administration is viewed by these people as ashamed of the U.S. at best (remember Michelle Obama’s pre-election remarks implying her previous lack of pride) and as hostile to the U.S. at worst (Obama’s long and close association with unrepentant terrorist and continuing Chavez-admirer Bill Ayers).
In addition, such conservatives view the domestic and international policies of the administration as disasters. In foreign relations, they see Obama projecting weakness which will invite our enemies’ contempt at best (Iran, North Korea as the most concrete examples) or attacks against us or our allies at worst (a resurgent Russia, al Qaeda). Domestically, they see out-of-control spending, the alternatives of massive deficits/inflation or tax increases, rising unemployment, government-issue inferior health care, racial demagoguery (Sotomayor, Eric Holder’s remarks on American “cowardice” in not addressing race), moral decay (abortion, same-sex marriage that Obama will support overtly or covertly before long), and run-amok environmentalism. In short, they see an attempted remake of the U.S. and the traditional American Dream of liberty and individualism under severe attack from an administration perceived, once more, ideologically leftist at best and anti-American at worst.
As she demonstrated brilliantly during the campaign, Sarah Palin taps into that crowd and its discontents. As the United States sinks, or appears to sink, further into the quagmire of Obamaism, she will attract more voters to that message. That attachment is to Sarah Palin, or the movement (Tea Parties, for example) she represents, not to the Republican Party. The Party needs her a lot more than she needs the party. The state of disarray of the party’s leadership and its lack of a strong consistent message (other than, correctly, declaring Obama’s policies to be harmful) turn off those voters. I think that such a message will emerge over the next year and certainly by 2012, but it hasn’t yet. And as long as it doesn’t, Sarah Palin can work on presenting hers, even if at a rather general level of programmatic substance. She is still a long way from having to present a detailed policy message. For now, registering discontent and proposing general prescriptions will carry her.
That brings up the future of Palin as a Republican. While I would expect her for now to remain one, it would be foolish to write off a third-party movement. Again, Palin is more concerned about the issues and the message and her leadership of a movement than she is about party honors or even political office. Her politician’s ego can be satisfied well enough if she runs a strong movement outside. If the political fault lines persist, and if the Republican Party continues, sooner or later a move will be made to bring her into the fold. Or, she will just take over. The Old Bulls may paw and snort at her for now. The party elites may heap derision on her for now. They may seek to marginalize her. But if that fails, and likely it will, they will have to make their peace with her. And it will likely be on her terms. The Democrats may be the short-term beneficiaries of that fight. But as political power’s inevitable corruption (already visible clearly to the unaided eye) consumes the Democrats, and as the folly of their policies begins to hurt, the voters will turn on them, especially once the American people have finally had enough of their infatuation with Obama.
So, what about 2012? Is she in or out? Who knows? She may, like Nixon, skip a cycle, reinvent herself, and go for 2016. But, again, I don’t see her as Nixon. I don’t think she sees herself as Nixon. Though she has not said so, it is more likely that she sees herself as Reagan, a fellow programmatic conservative who was derided by East Coast elites as unqualified, stupid, and reactionary, and who knew how to connect with ordinary people, though he was a thorn in the side of the party establishment. Many of her supporters certainly see her that way.
If she is Reagan circa 1973, with the Republican Party low in the opinion polls (far lower than today), a Democratic Congress about to win 2/3 majorities in both chambers, and with basically lame-duck governor status, she runs in 2012. Even if, as is likely, she will not get the nomination, it will provide her with her own platform, unencumbered by the likes of Steve Schmidt and the rest of the McCain staff. Her support among the base will be important in the primaries. Being savaged by the media, the Beltway crowd, and Republican professionals will not hurt her, any more than Reagan eventually was hurt by his 1976 loss to Gerald Ford.
A primary loss will hardly be devastating. I rather suspect it would be a good thing for an eventual victory, if she even cares about that. If she supports the party nominee, at least nominally, and he loses (a likely scenario), she sets herself up for a strong run in 2016, as Reagan did in 1980. Indeed, with Obama out in 2016, odds swing much more favorably for a non-Democrat to win. If history is a guide, voters after eight years identify with the non-incumbent. This is not just fatigue with certain policies, though that adds to the discontent. I mean by non-incumbent anyone who lacks the most pronounced apparent characteristics of the incumbent. In 2000, W with his down-to-earth approach and straight-laced humility was the perceived opposite of Clinton, which is why the Democrats’ smear tactic on the final pre-election weekend over the old DUI had such a strongly negative effect on W’s poll numbers.
In 1960, people voted for the anti-Ike. In 1980 for the anti-Carter. In 2008 for the anti-W. And Sarah Palin is the anti-Obama, as I think her supporters and her detractors would agree.
Those liberals and conservative elitists who deride her so resoundingly have about them the air of whistling past the graveyard. If she is such a non-threat to them, and if they are so convinced that she is finished, why not let her go quietly into the night, rather than being so vociferously insistent about her demise? I don’t recall a similar hoopla and speculation when Mitt Romney and Mike Huckabee ended their presidential campaigns. For many of her supporters, she is a reminder of an old campaign slogan by the supporters of reform governor and then President Grover Cleveland (popularly called the “People’s President” at the time), “We love him for the enemies he has made.”
What many today see as a mistake, may well turn out to be a brilliant political move, as others have claimed. So I am withholding final judgment and sincerely hope that the latter are right.
For some additional views, see:
John Batchelor at The Daily Beast (considers Palin front-runner for 2012 now). Interesting anecdotes about Palin’s political strengths from former McCain campaign adviser, (Democrat) Mark McKinnon. Richard Fernandez of Belmont Club (note the quotes of a despicable liberal about Trig Palin at the end of the article) and The Optimistic Conservative (good writer, but the name’s an oxymoron bound to make Winston Churchill spin in his grave) think similar thoughts as I. Victor Davis Hanson considers her a potential Maggie Thatcher, though I think she will be more pro-life than Thatcher. Bill Kristol at the Weekly Standard also agrees, but, more significantly, extensively quotes a political insider, “B,” who makes a lot of sense to me and has similar conclusions.